The Republic of Indonesia is a democratic country which is constantly disseminating the spirits of equality, fair-play, social justice, rule of the law and constructivism in the country crystalizing all ethnic entities and minorities maintaining its rich multiculturalism and ethnic diversity.
With the passage of time, a remarkable opening-up of political space, the regeneration of civil society, promotion of democratic values, independence of media and a positive spirit demanding greater accountability from government have emerged in Indonesia gearing all segments of the society and main stakeholders towards the banks of stability, sustainability, harmony and greater democratization and politicization.
Today broader ranges of citizens feel they are partners and active stakeholders in the governance of Indonesia which is a good omen. For Indonesians, this period of democratic transition is epoch-making, despite its uncertainties. The spirit in which Indonesians have rallied to respond to the many challenges facing them humbles those of us in the international community.
It is recommended that sincere efforts should be carried out to promote true democratic practices beneficial for the state and society in every sphere. Democratic practices must also pervade the relations among communities, religious, ethnic, regional, gender and other communitarian relations.
It is true that the Indonesian democratic process is dependent both on dialogue amongst stakeholders and consensus about the reform agenda. Indonesians supporting reform have recognized that it would take a concerted effort on many fronts to address the challenges they face. Democracy after all is a means to find ways to resolve problems and not a simple solution to problems.
Indonesia is currently at the stage of experimenting with democracy. Democratization is a dynamic process, and democracy is the result of many attempts and trials.
Indonesia was constructed from an imagined nation-state. Through the Proclamation of Independence, its founding-parents, especially the late President Soekarno, hoped to build a modern nation-state based on the model of the United States of America. Bung Karno and the other founding-parents idealized President F. D. Roosevelt’s desire to end all forms of colonialism immediately after the Second World War.
Soekarno once said he was impressed by American-style democracy. The phrase “government by the people, for the people, of the people” was deeply imprinted on Soekarno’s mind. That phrase conveyed the idea of republicanism in a modern sovereign nation-state, built upon the principles of public welfare and good.
Bung Karno and his peers were regarded by many as having failed to achieve that goal. President Soeharto followed that goal. President Soeharto followed Bung Karno’s footsteps in trying to develop the country. In his own way, he was effective for 30 years, but Pak Harto’s myopic vision of the modern nation-state led to a dead end. The path had to be reopened and the country had to start afresh once more. The new starting point was the relatively successful general election held under President B. J. Habibie’s transitional rule.
Since the 1999 general elections, encouraging processes have been put in place, giving the Abdurrahman Wahid government, or more precisely, presidency.
Nevertheless, the financing of political parties as well as the election of regional leaders such as mayors, district heads, the president and members of parliament produce poor quality candidates. In order to run for office in Indonesia whether for the executive or the legislative branch a potential candidate must either be extremely wealthy or have the support of a super-rich patron. Therefore, Indonesia should try to follow the Scandinavian model where political parties are funded by the government through public taxes.
Indonesia should stop promoting a two party system and embrace its multi-party system as Indonesian society is simply too pluralistic for a two party system. Promoting pluralism and diversity is a very important part of democracy which considers everyone as equals. So, this remains on Indonesia’s homework list.
Indonesia’s 2024 presidential and general election was monumental, not just within the context of its own history but also on a global scale. It marked a significant milestone in Indonesia’s democratic journey, being the fifth direct election since the fall of Suharto’s 32-year New Order regime in 1998. With over 204 million eligible voters called to cast their ballots at 820,000 polling stations, the elections were a massive logistical feat and the 82.39 percent voter turnout ranks Indonesia well above the global average of 65.6 percent.
Many prominent regional scholars have raised concerns about democratic regression in Indonesia. Weakened opposition, oligarchic dominance, vote-buying, shrinking civil space, and allegedly deteriorating human rights conditions are all major challenges that threaten Indonesia’s democracy which must be mended accordingly.
More than half of the eligible voters in this election were aged 17-40. This places the younger generation at the heart of Indonesia’s democracy, signifying a dynamic shift in political engagement and potential for future policy direction. To engage with young voters, candidates significantly leveraged social media channels to shape political discourse and electoral outcomes, with President-elect Prabowo Subianto spending double in social media advertisement in comparison with his two competitors combined.
Since transitioning from the authoritarian New Order regime, Indonesia has embarked on a path of progressive democratic reforms. The introduction of term limits for presidents and local leaders, implementation of legislated quota for women’s candidacy in elections, and establishment of key accountability institutions (e.g., the Corruption Eradication Commission, Commission on Violence against Women, Constitutional Court, and Judicial Commission) signify Indonesia’s efforts to fortify its democracy. These reforms aim to enhance political inclusivity, accountability, and transparency within the domestic political landscape, laying the foundation for a more robust democratic governance structure.
The 2024 general elections encapsulated the successes and challenges of Indonesia’s democratic evolution. They highlighted the nation’s commitment to democratic participation, the significant role of the youth in shaping the future political direction, and the ongoing efforts towards democratic reforms.
But, as Indonesia continues to navigate its democratic journey, the insights from the 2024 election will be valuable in guiding future efforts towards a more inclusive, accountable, and resilient democratic system.
Under Indonesia’s multiparty presidential system, legislative elections are highly fractionalized, with the largest legislative parties normally receiving about one-fifth of the seats in the country’s House of Representatives.
In fact, Indonesia needs a social media act such as Germany because the disinformation and hate spreading on Indonesian social media could one day acutely polarize society similar to that in America and even lead to insurrection.
However, Jakarta will need to diversify its foreign direct investment sources to mitigate against dependency on Beijing over the long term and search for sources of green which may be come from increased cooperation within the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN), particularly with Singapore or Vietnam and other industrialized economies like France, Japan, South Korea, the U.K., and the United States.
It is predicted that Indonesia under Prabowo will continue to be a nonaligned state, balancing its relations with all great and emerging powers. The basic principles of Indonesian foreign policy heavily bank on pragmatism due to which Prabowo will maintain steady ties with both Beijing and Washington.
To conclude, the future of Indonesia is bright in many ways; the country has maintained high levels of economic growth, even during the pandemic, and has a youthful population full of creativity and resilience, abundant natural resources, and geostrategic circumstances that render it an essential regional player.
Dr Mehmood Ul Hassan Khan
President: Pak-China Corridor of Knowledge, Pakistan
Executive Director: The Center for South & International Studies (CSAIS) Islamabad